Who is sufficient, and why? A mixed-methods approach to the social dimensions of sufficiency

Who is sufficient, and why? A mixed-methods approach to the social dimensions of sufficiency

Sufficiency consists of less materially intensive consumption patterns that focus on wellbeing rather than material wealth. Such consumption patterns are commonly referred to as sufficiency lifestyles and are increasingly seen as a key driver for achieving decarbonization. However, while research finds that sustainable consumption and environmental behavior are often associated with high social status, lower carbon footprints and lower consumption more broadly are associated in the literature with poverty and deprivation.

This article aims to investigate whether a combination of low carbon footprint and high wellbeing exists, what socio-demographic characteristics are associated with it, and to explore the actual experiences of people engaged in sufficiency lifestyles through initiatives and their characteristics. We use a mixed-methods design with data from demographically representative surveys in Denmark, Germany, Italy and Latvia (N=5,080), and in-depth interviews with participants from sufficiency-oriented intentional communities (N=90).

We find that sufficiency lifestyles are linked to a stronger inclination towards sufficiency orientation or a heightened environmental identity, accompanied by a negative correlation with social deprivation aspects. Drawing on the interviews, we find that individuals engaged in sufficiency-oriented practices tend to benefit from economic, social and cultural resources that allow them to overcome energy dependency and constraints, and that their motivations are not limited to pro-environmental behavior.

Based on these empirical findings, we explore potential avenues for the diffusion of sufficiency-oriented lifestyles, including the establishment of binding rules through a democratic process that curb overconsumption while providing attractive low-carbon lifestyles for all.

Defining Sufficiency

Sufficiency is defined as a voluntary reduction in resource consumption that maintains quality of life while staying within the planet’s boundaries (Alcott, 2008; Creutzig et al, 2022). Sufficiency is increasingly seen as a key driver for decarbonization pathways (Samadi et al, 2017; Costa et al, 2021). It is often described as a lifestyle shift towards less carbon-intensive daily practices (Baumgartner et al, 2022).

Sufficiency has been differentiated from efficiency and consistency (Samadi et al, 2017). Efficiency means that at a given level of consumption, the environmental impact is reduced because fewer energy and raw materials are used (resource reduction), while consistency means that for a given level of consumption, the environmental impact is reduced because the sources of raw materials and energy are less harmful to the environment (resource substitution), while sufficiency means lowering the consumption level itself.

There is a growing consensus on the need for absolute reduction of resource consumption (Alfredsson et al, 2018), and current consumerist lifestyles have been pointed out to contradict this (Akenji et al, 2019). Despite growing scientific consensus on the necessity of integrating sufficiency to meet the EU’s climate objectives (Faber et al, 2012; Samadi et al, 2017), sufficiency remains largely absent from the EU’s policy frameworks.

Socioeconomic Factors

Within European countries, carbon emissions at the individual level appear to be primarily determined by socio-demographic variables, especially income and urbanization forms (Abrahamse and Steg, 2009; Oswald et al, 2020; Lévay et al, 2021; Theine et al, 2022). Higher income is associated with an increase in consumption levels and increased carbon footprints (Duarte et al, 2021). The contribution of the different sectors to the individual carbon footprint is also uneven across social categories, with transportation being the sector most associated with higher incomes (Büchs and Schnepf, 2013; Hardadi et al, 2021).

The role of income has led some authors to argue that carbon footprint emissions are essentially ‘a distributional issue’ (Bergman, 2019) and to think of sufficiency as a ‘corridor’ of consumption (Fuchs et al, 2021; Bärnthaler, 2024), adding to the necessity of an overall reduction of consumption the issue of ‘floor’ (Spangenberg and Lorek, 2019) or ‘minimum’ (Spengler, 2016).

This brings us to the challenge of distinguishing economic wellbeing from wellbeing in a more holistic sense. The issue of wellbeing is central to the definition of sufficiency (Samadi et al, 2017). The IPCC defines sufficiency as ‘a set of measures and daily practices that avoid demand for energy, materials, land and water while delivering human well-being for all within planetary boundaries’ (IPCC, 2022: 42).

Cultural Influences

Individual households but also grassroots communities have been particularly identified as potential sources for fostering voluntary lifestyle changes (Vita et al, 2019; Thredgold et al, 2022). By bridging two approaches of sufficiency that are rarely considered jointly (quantitative and qualitative), this article aims at exploring in detail the conditions for achieving both a low carbon footprint and high wellbeing.

Methodological Considerations

This article is based on a complementary mixed-methods design (Greene et al, 1989). The quantitative approach is used to quantify sufficiency lifestyles and to examine variables associated with them. The qualitative data enables to understand the adoption processes, motivations and benefits of sufficiency-oriented practices, although they are not representative of the general population.

For the quantitative analysis, we conducted an online survey in Denmark, France, Germany, Italy and Latvia using NORSTAT, a market research institute’s household panel, between July and October 2022. We categorized respondents into sufficiency lifestyle groups based on their carbon footprint and a wellbeing measure.

We operationalised a sufficiency lifestyle as a lifestyle with a low-carbon footprint and a high score on the wellbeing index, both in relative terms. To establish connections between lifestyle group membership and various socioeconomic and additional variables, we employ neural networks to estimate multinomial log-linear models.

For the qualitative component, we conducted 90 semi-structured interviews in Denmark, France, Germany, Italy and Latvia to research sufficiency-oriented practices and their social and material contexts. Participants were selected to be as diverse as possible in terms of location, age and gender.

Sufficiency and Individual Well-Being

Our quantitative analyses focus on factors identified via statistical analyses that characterise people with low-carbon lifestyles and more specifically those who fulfil the definition of living sufficiently, that is, high wellbeing and low emissions. The results emphasize commonalities in their interpretation across the four countries studied.

People who are identified as being very sufficient (Group I) show corresponding attitudes (higher sufficiency orientation, environmental identity). This also applies to the sufficient group (Group II). Both groups do not show signs of deprivation. The lack of deprivation differentiates the sufficient groups (I and II) from the group with a low carbon footprint together with a low level of wellbeing (Group III).

Our socio-anthropological investigation shows that environmental identity and sufficiency orientation frequently emerge in participants’ narratives, reflecting concerns about the environment and climate change. However, our interviews show that the motivations that are behind the adoption of sufficiency-oriented practices are diverse. The desire to belong to a community, to strengthen social bonds, to access healthier options and to learn new things is also highlighted by participants, as factors increasing their wellbeing and quality of life.

Participating in a sufficiency-oriented initiative allows individuals to access a lifestyle that is more consistent with their values, providing them with a sense of fulfilment and control. However, the availability of indirect sources of income, such as savings, are decisive to adopt more sufficient practices and to access some initiatives, especially in housing.

Almost all of the participants interviewed have an academic degree and most of the active ones work in the tertiary sector. Time affluence is related to the importance of volunteering in most initiatives. Engaging in sufficiency-oriented practices may require additional time to access places where second-hand items are available, to commute by bike, to perform tasks by oneself instead of buying ready-to-go items and to cook instead of buying processed food.

The main lever for engaging in a sufficiency-oriented initiative is the opportunity to meet like-minded individuals and become part of a community. Our research also reveals commonalities in respondent characteristics across countries and research methods in relation to sufficiency lifestyles, with more women than men being engaged in initiatives.

Implications and Conclusions

Drawing on our empirical findings, we explore potential avenues for the diffusion of sufficiency-oriented lifestyles, including the establishment of binding rules through a democratic process that curb overconsumption while providing attractive low-carbon lifestyles for all.

To mainstream sufficiency, policies must have the capacity to succeed in establishing a low-carbon, high wellbeing lifestyle as the standard and accessible choice for all. Recognizing the societal and environmental value of sufficiency initiatives, municipalities could support them by providing financial aid and training, offering formal recognition and networking opportunities, and ensuring political legitimation and communicative support.

Financial resources emerge as prerequisites for sufficiency lifestyles. Policy instruments that target resource redistribution, such as progressive pricing based on consumption levels through specifically designed tariffs or carbon pricing, could incentivize households towards more sustainable consumption patterns, ensuring basic needs are met affordably while discouraging excessive use.

Incorporating more sufficiency measures in the National Energy and Climate Plans, and implementing additional sufficiency policies, should be met with high approval rates by citizens. Establishing binding rules through a democratic process to prioritize energy use and curb overconsumption, while providing appealing alternatives through sufficiency infrastructures, can pave the way to democratizing sufficiency, rendering a low-carbon and high wellbeing lifestyle accessible to all.

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